THE RETREAT OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY

                         by Edward A. Lynch

Few intellectual movements have begun with more immediate, favorable
attention than the theology of liberation, developed by Latin
American scholars in the 1960s and 1970s. Encomia to the "new way of
doing theology" came from North American and European scholars and
from many Latin American bishops. At the Second General Conference of
the Latin American conference of Bishops (CELAM), held in Medellin in
1968, liberation theology seemed to come into its own even before the
English publication of Gustavo Gutierrez's 1973 <A Theology of
Liberation>.

Twenty-five years later, however, liberation theology has been
reduced to an intellectual curiosity. While still attractive to many
North American and European scholars, it has failed in what the
liberationists always said was their main mission, the complete
renovation of Latin American Catholicism.

Instead, orthodox Catholic leaders, starting with Pope John Paul II,
have reclaimed ideas and positions that the liberationists had
claimed for themselves, such as the "preferential option for the
poor," and "liberation" itself. In so doing, the opponents of
liberation theology have successfully changed the terms of debate
over religion and politics in Latin America. At the same time,
liberation theology had to face internal philosophical contradictions
and vastly altered political and economic circumstances, both in
Latin America and elsewhere. Having lost the initiative, liberation
theologians are making sweeping reversals in their theology. 

The response to liberation theology was sophisticated and
multi-faceted. Nevertheless, it is possible to describe its essential
ingredient rather briefly. John Paul II and the other opponents of
liberation theology offered it a cultural challenge. That is, they
took issue with what liberation theology tried to say about the basic
meaning of human life and what is most important to living that life.

Liberationists seek to change the object to which theology devotes
its attention. They reject, with disdain, the notion that getting
people to heaven is more important than getting them tolerable living
conditions. Liberation theology is an attempt to change people's
minds about what is most decisive and significant in their lives. In
other words, liberation theology is a cultural challenge. 

Liberation theology and Antonio Gramsci

Liberation theology's critics responded to it as they would to a
Gramscian cultural offensive. Although Gramsci's thought is difficult
to summarize without distortion, some opinions are universally
connected with his name.

Of particular importance to Gramsci was the cultural unity of
Christian Europeans. So long as poor people thought that their
Christian identity was the most important, they would readily join
forces with Christian elites against atheistic revolutionaries.
Changing the culture, for Gramsci, meant inducing people to alter
their primary self- identification. 

Liberation theology and Gramsci are both determined to persuade
people to identify themselves according to their economic status.
Poor people, in particular, must be induced to think of themselves
first and only as poor people. Moreover, the poor ought to feel
resentment toward the rich and to blame the rich for their poverty.
Gutierrez declared that "Liberation expresses the aspirations of
oppressed classes and people," underlining "the conflictual aspect of
the social, economic and political process" (Quoted in Moreno, 1976:
18-19). Juan Segundo exhorted his readers to undertake
"conscientization" of the poor, which he described as "social
mobilization that seeks to inculcate an . . . awareness of the real
interests, especially class interests, at work in society" (1978:
21).

Revolutionaries must concentrate on taking over social institutions,
until all the transmitters of culture, such as schools, works of art
and literature, media outlets and, most especially, churches, convey
the belief that material progress, material wealth, and material
comfort are the most meaningful elements of human life. Succeed here,
Gramsci promised, and taking over government "becomes a relatively
painless adjustment to the changed social situation" (Finocchiaro,
1984: 124).

In their early writings, liberation theologians openly tried to
change the focus of religious thought, from concern about the next
life to concern about this one. Liberation theologians hotly dispute
the notion that they are interested only in the material progress of
man (O'Hare, 1990; 111, for example). Nevertheless, liberation
theology clearly rejected what it constantly called the traditional
Church's preoccupation with matters of faith, morals and getting to
heaven.

The emphasis on earthly things is more explicit in early liberation
theology than in recent works. Still, as late as 1991, Jon Sobrino
defined sin as unjust social structure, or "that which deals death."
Examples of sinners for him were oligarchies, multi-national
corporations, various armed forces and "virtually every government."
He even went so far as to restate the Beatitudes in earthly terms,
changing "Blessed are the meek," etc. to "Happy are the meek" (1991:
366, 70).

For a time, it was not just a few liberationist intellectuals who
wished to make the Church primarily concerned with this world. At the
Medellin conference, generally recognized as the CELAM conference at
which liberation theology was most influential, the assembled bishops
listed three tasks for the Church, in this order: human promotion;
evangelization and growth in faith. One commentator commented drily
that this "alters the order most commonly used in the church before
and after the conference," and noted, correctly, that at the CELAM
conference at Puebla 10 years later, John Paul II tried to change the
order back again. (McGrath, 1990; 77, 87)

There are numerous points of contact between liberation theology and
the plans of Gramsci. Had Gramsci known about liberation theology, he
would have embraced it.  Opponents of liberation theology have
incorporated their struggle against this particular philosophy into a
more general attack on secularism, societal disunity and a culture
confined to addressing economic conflict. The approach has been quite
successful.

Warring against secularism

The pontificate of John Paul II has been marked by a determination to
reinsert the Church and its beliefs into elements of human life from
which secularism sought to expel them. (John Paul is ably assisted in
this endeavor by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, whom the Pope appointed
head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.  Ratzinger
authored a two-part refutation of liberation theology in the 1984
<Instruction on Certain Aspects of the "Theology of Liberation"> and
the <Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation> that came out
two years later.) John Paul's main enemy, since his election in 1978,
has been modern secularism. For the Pope, liberation theology is part
of this secularism.

All human activity, John Paul has said, must have reference to the
ultimate meaning of life, which is eternal salvation. While seeking
to concentrate their efforts on life here and now, modern people have
forgotten this essential truth.

In his first encyclical, John Paul II insisted that all authentic
humanism must refer to Christ. All else is folly (1979: para. 10).
Soon afterwards, he added that: "awareness that man's work is a
participation in God's activity ought to permeate, as the Council
teaches, even <the most ordinary everyday activities>.... Even by
their secular activity [Christians] must assist one another to live
holier lives" (1981: para. 25, italics in original). 

Juan Segundo, among others, has criticized the Pope's writings, and
attacked the 1984 <Instruction> as "a general attack on Enlightenment
humanism and modern thought, aimed at reestablishing an other-worldly
and transcendantalist religion" (Quoted in Sigmund, 1990: 163). On
this occasion, Segundo was quite right.

Recapturing the language of Catholic liberation

Thus the Vatican has dealt with liberation theology as part of the
larger secular challenge to the Faith. Central to John Paul's
specific response to liberation theology has been his determination
to reclaim for the traditional Church many of the words that
liberationists have tried to redefine. The most important of these is
the word "liberation." For Gutierrez, and for most liberationists,
there are three levels of liberation: first, liberation from unjust
social situations; second, personal transformation; third, and
"finally," liberation means liberation from sin.

Liberationists implicitly claim that concern for human liberation
among Catholics started with Vatican II or Medellin (Segundo 1978,
for example). Colombian Primate Alfonso Lopez Trujillo reminded his
countrymen, however, that the Church has been developing political
and social theology since its beginning. Ricardo Durand, a Peruvian
bishop critical of liberation theology, stated baldly: "Many of us
were committed to the poor, and suffered for them, before the
Medellin conference," Durand wrote (1989:84). Starting with John Paul
II, orthodox Catholics spoke more assertively of their own heritage
of devotion to the poor.

The Pope's supporters also began insisting on a more inclusive
understanding of "liberation" than the liberationists offered. Only a
few weeks after assuming the papacy, John Paul traveled to Latin
America to open the CELAM conference at Puebla.  For those curious
about the new Pope's stand on liberation, his Opening Address was
enlightening. He said:

Pastoral commitments . . . must be nurtured by a correct Christian
conception of liberation. [The Church] has the duty of proclaiming
liberation in its deeper, fuller sense, the sense proclaimed and
realized by Jesus. That fuller liberation is liberation from
everything that oppresses human beings, but especially liberation
from sin and the evil one (Quade, 1982: 66-67). 

Any attempt to satisfy the material needs of persons, while ignoring
their spiritual nature, such as encouraging people to despise the
rich, to steal from them or to use violence against them, will only
lead people deeper into the slavery of sin. Only a thoroughly
materialistic culture can perceive this as progress. For traditional
Catholics, "Redemption is liberation in the strongest sense of the
word, since it is liberation from sin" (Ratzinger, 1986: para. 3). 

Liberation theology addresses economic and social issues by promoting
divisions in society and by encouraging envy. This does nothing to
ameliorate material deprivation.  Chilean bishops told their people,
"if their reconciliation with God is sincere, it should have
fraternal consequences." Fostering a culture of sacrifice,
fellowship, austerity and sharing material goods will do much more to
help people than the pronouncements of liberationists (<Radio
Chilena> 1987).

The adversaries of liberation theology promote greater Christian
unity by insisting on an inclusive understanding of the oft-repeated
phrase "preferential option for the poor." The response to the
liberationists' exclusionary use of this phrase is an emphasis on the
Church's duty towards all people, regardless of their social class.

Lopez Trujillo pointed out that except for analysts using Marxist
categories, the division between the exploited and exploiters is not
so clearly marked in the first place.  For Catholics, everyone, both
rich and poor, are pilgrims and sinners before the Eucharist (1980:
254).

By contrast, the liberationists are exclusionary, a point that their
critics make frequently. Ratzinger wrote in 1986: "the special option
for the poor, far from being a sign of particularism or sectarianism,
manifests the universality of the Church's being and mission. This
option excludes no one." All human beings are poor. All people need
spiritual sustenance; some need material sustenance also (1986: para.
68).

Recapturing Latin America's Catholic culture

Restoring the original meanings to key words and phrases is a way of
asserting what ought to be important to theologians. Put differently,
it is seizing back the culture of Catholic Latin America. 

The success of the Vatican effort is partly reflected in the reaction
of Latin America's bishops. The hierarchies of many Latin American
countries quickly joined the Vatican in the project of cultural
recapture after publication of the 1984 <Instruction>.  Responding
directly to this document in 1984, the Peruvian bishops said: "Only
the new heart will be capable of renewing the world because only the
new heart rejects sin and all its consequences" (Cleary, 1989: 272). 

In a dramatic turnaround from the early 1970s, when Peruvian bishops
ignored issues of personal morality, they emphasized in 1984 that
Peru's most serious problems, requiring the greatest diligence and
commitment from pastors, included decadence in public morality and
private behavior (Cleary, 1989: 269). The Chilean bishops repeated
the sentiment: "Central elements of the Kingdom are not food and
drink but justice and peace and joy in the spirit" (Cleary, 1989:
89).

Faithful Catholics must aid the poor and must try to relieve their
suffering. Traditional Catholics believe that they must not sacrifice
their souls, nor destroy societal unity, by undertaking sinful,
divisive actions to make economic conditions less terrible.

Respecting traditional devotions

Liberationists, for all their talk of "preferential option," do not
really listen to the poor.  Supporters of liberation theology openly
accept this point. Daniel Levine, for example, says that "serving as
the 'voice for the voiceless' is not the same as listening to what
the hitherto voiceless may have to say" (1990a: 71). Enrique Dussel
voices a common attitude among liberationists when he says: "After
having tried to lose themselves within the people, to identify with
the people, [liberationists] come to understand that they must shake
the people" (Burchaell, 1988: 266).

Cardinal Ratzinger has noted that the natural inclination of most
poor Latin Americans is toward religious attitudes and cultural
priorities that the liberationists reject. He wrote in the 1986
<Instruction>: "It is the poor, the object of God's special love, who
understand best and as it were instinctively that the most radical
liberation, which is liberation from sin and death, is the liberation
accomplished by the death and resurrection of Christ." 

This <sensus fidei> [Ratzinger uses the traditional term] means that
to truly listen to the poor means accepting acts of traditional
piety, often most prevalent among the poor, even if they seem
old-fashioned or distinctly non-revolutionary. Again, the
liberationists fail to live up to their own standards. Rather than
"serving as the voice for the voiceless," they seek to misdirect such
popular piety toward an earthly plan of liberation. This, writes
Ratzinger, leads the poor to another form of slavery, and is a
"criminal" act (1986: para. 22, 98).

Liberation theologians disparaged such things as processions, prayers
to patron saints, and the veneration of Mary, among other popular
forms of piety in Latin America, as "non-transformative." When they
discovered that Marian devotions were not going to go away,
liberation theologians tried to limit Mary's entire life to two
verses from the Magnificat. ["The Lord has put down the mighty from
their thrones, and exalted those of low degree; He has filled the
hungry with good things, and the rich he has sent empty away" Luke 1:
52-53.]

Their disdain for Marian devotions made many poor Latin Americans
mistrust liberation theology. Its critics refer to Mary frequently.
Among the most successful orthodox Catholic movements is the
<Sodalitum Vitae> movement in Peru. One liberationist supporter
complains that this traditional movement responds to discontented
people, but does so in a way calculated to make liberation theology
less attractive. <Sodalitum Vitae> accomplishes this, according to
the author, by emphasizing Mary, the saints, and Catholic social
thought (Pena, 1992: 160).

Bishops opposed to liberation theology make frequent reference to
Mary. In fact, an analyst can discover the attitude of a Latin
American pastoral letter almost unerringly by noting the dedication
at the end. If the letter does not invoke Mary, or mentions only the
Mary of the truncated Magnificat, it is likely to support liberation
theology.

Supplanting liberation theology with reconciliation theology

Orthodox Catholics' encouragement of traditional, outward piety is
one element of their insistances on unity, both in the Church and in
society. The basic disagreement between orthodox Catholics and
liberationists is over what begets unity. For the liberationists,
unity will come when economic and social divisions are eliminated,
and they are willing to use violence to achieve this end. For their
opponents, the unity that matters is cultural, spiritual, and far
removed from economics.

In this regard, loyal Catholics have developed a "theology of
reconciliation" to counter liberation theology. This new theology
made its first appearance in the <Declaracion de Los Andes>,
published at a meeting of orthodox Catholics in Lima in July 1985.
The Declaration said genuine liberation is based on "the reality of
the reconciliation of man with God, with himself, with others and
with all that is created" (Sigmund, 1990: 165).

To liberationists, the challenge of reconciliation theology was
disquieting. One critic of reconciliation warned that the new
theology would "diffuse political activism by encouraging opposition
groups to find common ground on which to resolve their differences"
(Pena, 1992; 164). The author was quite prescient. This is exactly
what occurred. 

Liberationists believe that unliberated societies are so severely
divided that revolutionary upheaval, and a purge of the ruling class,
is absolutely necessary.  Reconciliation theology, however, insists
that Christianity requires openness, and even love, for people of all
social classes, and all classes of sinfulness.

Ratzinger speaks emphatically: "Love of neighbor knows no limits and
includes enemies and persecutors." He added later: "There is no gap
between love of neighbor and desire for justice." Ratzinger
acknowledged that Jesus found most receptivity among the poor, but he
also wished to be near the rich, whom he had come to call to
conversion. "All those found worthy before Christ's tribunal for
having, by the grace of God, made good use of their free will are to
receive the reward of happiness" (1986: paras. 55, 66). 

The Vatican also believes that the liberationists' expressed demand
for "justice" is woefully inadequate as a guide for social action,
especially since the liberationists understand this word in primarily
economic terms. For a society plagued by wide gaps of power, wealth,
and status, the development of a more harmonious society is going to
require both forgiveness from the poor, for past exploitation, and
sacrifice from the rich, from their abundance. "Justice" must give
way to charity, a far more challenging goal (John Paul II, 1987:
para. 40).

As the 1980s progressed, Latin American bishops' conferences adopted
the themes of unity, reconciliation and inclusion. Bishops of
Mexico's southern Pacific Coast, formerly known for their support of
some of the themes of liberation theology, wrote in 1985: "We want
the good news to reach in a special way those who enjoy a middle- or
upper- class socioeconomic situation" (Cleary, 1989: 294). 

In a dramatic break with the liberationists, the bishops praised the
contributions of rich people, both in the form of alms and job
creation. They listed Catholic saints who had been rich, but who had
used their wealth "in a Christian fashion" or had renounced it
(Cleary, 1989: 296). Finally, they reminded Catholics that when the
rich young man came to Jesus, "He looked steadily at him and loved
him" (Mark 10:21). Pastors must imitate Jesus. Love should lead to
sympathy, which leads to reconciliation, which leads to societal
unity. This unity in turn produces socio-economic improvements.

Practical steps to combat liberation theology

The Vatican and its supporters did not confine their counterattack to
homilies, scholarly articles or pastoral letters. Members of the
hierarchy, both in Rome and in Latin America, have taken many
effective practical actions as well.

After the 1984 <Instruction> came out, conferences of orthodox Latin
American Catholics quickly followed, the most notable of which was
the <Sodalitum Vitae> conference in Lima in 1985. Among the decisions
taken by the attendees was to reassert episcopal control over the
training of pastoral agents, especially lay pastoral agents (Pena,
1992: 166).

More direct actions were soon to follow. Gutierrez had said that the
"Secretariats of Justice and Peace," formed after Vatican II and
Medellin and largely staffed by liberationists and their supporters,
were among the "most interesting departments the church has added
after Vatican II" (1990: 17). John Paul, Cardinal Ratzinger, and
loyal bishops have closed many of these offices, or appointed
orthodox Catholics to staff them. One author laments that John Paul
has "orphaned" the progressive Church organizations created by
Medellin (Mainwaring, 1990: 144).

Since 1978, John Paul has replaced "progressives" with conservatives
in nine of Brazil's 36 archdioceses. John Paul's appointees have not
hesitated to exercise their prerogatives. In Peru, the new bishop of
Cusco has dismantled liberationist social centers. Faithful bishops
have imitated such actions across the continent.

The targeted use of ecclesial authority in this manner exploits one
of the inherent weaknesses of liberation theology. The liberationists
are determined to remain inside the Church, even if they have strong
and frequent disagreements with its teachings. To remain nominally
part of the Church, however, is to remain under Church authority.
Liberationists were most successful when they were able to use
persuasion, or intimidation, to keep bishops' conferences from
exercising their authority.

Once the bishops, and the Pope, began actually using their authority,
it forced the liberationists to make the stark choice of defecting,
and losing much of their standing with devout Latin Americans, or
remaining in the Church and submitting to the loss of many of their
institutional bases. Combined with the philosophical assault, the
astute use of authority has confused liberationists and helped bring
liberation theology to its current weakened state. 

Orthodox Catholics have also reclaimed the Christian Base communities
(CEBs). These small groups of lay Catholics originally appeared in
Latin America (especially in Brazil) to study the Bible and apply the
Faith in areas not served by priests.  Liberationists perceived them
to be ideal fora for proselytization in the 1960s and 1970s and took
them over in many areas. Catholic authorities are now insisting that
the CEBs remain inside the Church and under Church discipline, if
they are going to claim to be Catholic. 

The poor people who created the CEBs, and who make up most of their
membership, rejected heavy-handed liberationist control, especially
when the liberationists tried to refocus the CEBs on economic matters
exclusively. When liberation theologians try to compel ordinary Latin
Americans to dedicate their CEBs to liberationist tasks, the poor
simply desert them, sometimes finding spiritual direction among
evangelical Protestants. 

The retreat of liberation theology

John Paul II showed that liberation theology's progress could be
halted, simply by using the tools that the Church has at its
disposal. By the end of the 1980s, liberation theology was noticeably
in retreat. With both the CEBs and the national Bishops' Conferences
rejecting liberation theology, its supporters lost ground from both
above and below. Nor has the theology created new creators.
Liberationists active during the 1970s still dominate the literature.

The most convincing proof of liberation theology's retreat, however,
is the speed with which liberation theology is changing, combined
with the vehemence of its proponents' contention that it is doing
nothing of the kind. Liberationists acknowledge new directions and
new emphases in their work, but insist that these seeming changes
were present from the beginning. 

This is simply not the case. Most observers have noted radical
changes in the movement in the last few years. The movement is
demonstrating much more skepticism of Marxism and of dependency
theory. Liberationists are behind most of the rest of the world, but
this still represents an important change. The liberationists'
enthusiasm for socialism is also waning. 

Levine notes that liberation theology is redirecting its "central
concerns away from politics in the narrow sense to issues of popular
religion, spirituality, and long-term social and cultural change" (I
990b: 607). In other words, liberationists are now centrally
concerned with everything liberation theology used to haughtily
disdain.

Gutierrez has changed too. He skipped an international conference on
liberation theology at Louvain University. He told organizers that he
could not attend the conference at liberation theology's birthplace
because he was busy organizing emergency soup kitchens for his
parishioners in Peru. In the 1970s, liberationists disparaged charity
work on such a small scale and of such a "non-transformative" nature
(O'Higgins, 1990: 390).

Liberation theology's new emphasis

on spirituality has been especially prominent. This new spirituality
is conspicuous because liberationists used to be so critical of the
"other worldliness" of the traditional Church. The old Church, they
said, avoided the problems of this world by taking refuge in prayer
and sacraments. Gutierrez discovered in 1990 that Latin American
popular prayer, "which seems so primitive and superstitious to us, is
really a protest against repression and demand for freedom" (1990:
18). For liberationists to embrace these is a complete turnaround.
More to the point, it is a turnaround prompted by the Vatican's
successful cultural effort.

In spite of the sizable retreat that liberation theology has been
forced to make since 1978, its opponents would be sadly mistaken to
think that the danger is past. I pointed out earlier that John Paul's
attack on liberation theology was part of his larger attack on the
secularizing culture of the modern world. This battle continues and
its outcome is by no means certain. 

In Latin America, the liberationists may well find that, even though
socialism is currently out of fashion, capitalism may serve their
purposes just as well, if not better.  As the 1 990s opened,
virtually all Latin American countries were abandoning traditional
Latin American statism in favor of some form of free market
capitalism.

Catholic social thought has warned against unbridled capitalism since
1891. It contains many of the evils that the Pope is committed to
fighting. The Catholic Popes stress the disquieting similarity of
capitalism and socialism, which Pius XI called the "twin rocks of
shipwreck." Since it is materialistic itself, capitalism cannot
counter the threat of another secular, materialistic philosophy like
socialism. John Paul desires to supersede both by replacing the
culture of profit (capitalism), and the culture of envy (socialism),
with a culture of fellowship, solidarity, work, austerity and unity.

If capitalism comes to Latin America without these cultural elements,
it may bring greater productivity to Latin America, but it will also,
at least in the short term, bring resentment, brutal competition, and
other evils that could resuscitate liberation theology. 

Burchaell, James Tunstead, 1988: "How Authentically Christian is
Liberation Theology?" <Review of Politics>. 50, 2: 264-281. 

Cleary, Edward L. ed. 1989: <Path From Puebla: Significant Documents
of the Latin American Bishops since 1979>. Washington, D.C.: United
States Catholic Conference.

Durand, Ricardo 1989: "The Peruvian Church and Liberation Theology,"
<America>. 19 August: 84-85, 92. 

Finocchiaro, Maurice A. 1984: "Gramsci: An Alternative Communism?"
<Studies in Soviet Thought>. 27: 123-146. 

Gutierrez, Gustavo 1973: <A Theology of Liberation>. Maryknoll NY:
Orbis Books.

Gutierrez, Gustavo 1990: "Church of the Poor" in Cleary 1990.

John Paul II 1979: <Redemptor Hominis> (<The Redeemer of Man>).
Official Vatican translation from St. Paul Editions. 

John Paul II 1981: <Laborem Exercens> (<On Human Work>). Official
Vatican translation from St. Paul Editions. 

John Paul II 1987: <Sollicitudo Rei Socialis> (<On Social Concern>).
Official Vatican translation from St. Paul Editions. 

Levine, Daniel H. 1990a: "The Impact and Lasting Influence of
Medellin and Puebla" in Cleary 1990. 

Levine, Daniel H. 1990b: "Considering Liberation Theology as Utopia."
<Review of Politics>. 52, 4: 603-620. 

Lopez Trujillo, Alfonso 1980: <De Medellin a Pueblo>. Madrid:
Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos. 

Mainwaring, Scott. 1990: "Democratization, Socioeconomic
Disintegration, and the Latin American Churches After Puebla" in
Cleary 1990.

McGrath, Archbishop Marcos, C.S.C. 1990: "The Medellin and Puebla
Conferences and Their Impact on the Latin American Church" in Cleary
1990.

Moreno Valenda, Jose 1974: <Cristianismo y Marxismo en la Teologia de
la Liberacion>, Santiago de Chile: Editorial Salesiana. 

O'Hare, Padraic 1990: "Liberation Theology: Romantic Ideology?"
<Cross-Currents: Religion and Intellectual Life>. 40, 1: 109-119. 

O'Higgins, Kevin P. 1990. "Liberation Theology and the 'New World
Order'." <America>. 24 November: 389-393. 

Pena, Milagros 1992: "The Sodalitium Vitae Movement in Peru: A
Rewriting of Liberation Theology." <Sociological Analysis>. 53, 2. 

Quade, Quentin L. ed. 1982: <The Pope and Revolution: John Paul II
Confronts Liberation Theology>. Washington, D.C.: Ethics and Public
Policy Center.

Radio Chilena 1987: Santiago. Radio Chilena. 22 May. Foreign
Broadcast Information Service. <Latin America Daily Report>. 29 May:
E3.

Ratzinger 1986: Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.
<Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation>. Official Vatican
Translation from St. Paul Editions.

Segundo, Juan Luis 1978. <The Hidden Motives of Pastoral Action>.
Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. 

Sigmund, Paul E. 1990: <Liberation Theology at the Crossroads:
Democracy or Revolution?> New York: Oxford University Press, 1990. 

Sobrino, Jon 1991: "Awakening from the Sleep of Inhumanity,"
<Christian Century>. 3 April: 364-370. 

     This article appeared in the February 1994 issue of "The
     Homiletic & Pastoral Review," 86 Riverside Dr., New York, N.Y.
     10024, 212-799-2600, $24.00 per year.

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